By Ashley Entwistle, ’26, History-Political Science
Every evening at COP, as the UNFCCC agenda came to a close, the Climate Action Network set up a podium in the corridor, where a dinosaur mascot took the microphone. Diplomats, activists, observers, and officials gathered as the Fossil of the Day was announced. The satirical skit has been a fixture of COP for years, calling out countries that have obstructed climate progress during the day’s negotiations––the United States being a frequent recipient.
On Tuesday, November 19, I caught a glimpse of Russia at the top of the podium. The announcer took the opportunity to criticize Russia for using the conference to secure new oil and gas deals while being the third-largest emitter of carbon dioxide, largely due to its invasion of Ukraine. He stated that Russia has “contributed 175 million tons of CO2 to the atmosphere, making it a crime both against Ukraine and to our climate.” The skit concluded as the announcer asked the audience for “one more boo for Russia.” Boos echoed through the stadium corridor.
I emerged from the country pavilions when Russia’s new award was announced—ironically, after attending a talk at the Arctic Pavilion, where I had found myself sitting next to almost exclusively delegates from the Russian Federation. This was a common occurrence, I realized, which I would begin to dig into in the following days.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, of which Azerbaijan had been a part from 1922 to 1991, both Russia and Azerbaijan emerged as independent states. It was not until Vladimir Putin rose to power that military cooperation between the two countries was re-established. From Russia’s perspective, strengthening ties with Azerbaijan was seen as a means to secure access to the broader Caucasus region and as a strategic pathway to the West.
At COP29, Russia’s delegation was one of the largest delegations, totaling around 900 attendees. Azerbaijan, being a close Russian ally, played a key role in facilitating Russia’s significant presence while also limiting the participation of Western countries and civil society groups. It was, after all, Russia’s veto power that blocked any country aligned with the European Union from hosting the COP––the decisive factor in the Summit being held in Azerbaijan.
At COP29, the Russian Federation Pavilion occupied prime real estate, where delegates walking through pavilion hallways were drawn to the human-sized Russian dolls that lined the large Pavilion’s entrance. Inside, delegates were offered a cup of Russian tea and told stories of the nation’s sustainability initiatives in agriculture and new carbon-trading schemes. Just down the way, the Ukraine Pavilion used its space to stress the scale of environmental destruction of the Russian invasion.
While I did not spend much time in the Russian Pavilion, I engaged with members of the Russian delegation in other ways. Much of my time at COP29 was focused on Arctic state representation and engagement, which drove me to the Arctic Pavilion, organized by the Northern Forum. At every event I attended, there was at least one individual from Russia on the panel and an audience packed with Russian delegates.
After attending a panel at the Arctic Pavilion on the environmental safety of the Northern Sea Route, I stayed behind to speak with Vladimir Vasilev, the executive director of the Northern Forum. I quickly learned about Russia’s dominance within the organization in the wake of the Russian war on Ukraine. In response to the conflict, northern states with Arctic territories, excluding the USA, paused their Forum membership, which enabled Russia to assert its hegemony in Arctic representation at COP29.
The impacts of the war in Ukraine on Arctic cooperation were also evident on the ground at COP29. With the refusal of the six other northern states to stay officially involved with the Northern Forum, Russia turned its focus southward. India’s representative at the pavilion event discussed the nation’s new Arctic strategy, largely credited to Russia, where they planned to exert more influence over the direction of Arctic governance. Similar messages were delivered by Japan and China in other sessions.
Yet, Russia’s dominance in the COP discussions extended far beyond the Arctic. The relationship between Azerbaijan and Russia in the energy sector also took center stage at COP. As members of the European Union look to diversify their energy sources and reduce dependence on Russian energy, they have turned to Azerbaijan as an alternative supplier. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has begun importing energy from Russia, as its own energy production is primarily directed toward exports. This contradictory approach only contributes to Russia’s energy revenues, which the nation weaponizes to fund their war.
Ultimate criticisms of both Russia and Azerbaijan in the aftermath of the conference had to do with the parties using their positions at COP to facilitate new discussions of fossil fuel deals and defend their energy interests.
Although their alliance was evident at the conference, tensions surfaced shortly thereafter. On December 25, just over a month after the climate summit concluded, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev publicly blamed Russian officials for the crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines plane that killed 38 people on Christmas Day. Putin’s refusal to accept responsibility for the incident has further strained relations between the two countries, fueling frustration in Azerbaijan and raising speculation about the future of Azerbaijani-Russian relations.
